Network-based plans may be either closed or open. With a closed network, enrollees' expenses are generally only covered when they go to network providers. Only limited services are covered outside the network—typically only emergency and out-of-area care. Most traditional HMOs were closed network plans. Open network plans provide some coverage when an enrollee uses non-network provider, generally at a lower benefit level to encourage the use of network providers. Most preferred provider organization plans are open-network (those that are not are often described as exclusive provider organizations, or EPOs), as are point of service (POS) plans.

^ Bump, Jesse B. (19 October 2010). "The long road to universal health coverage. A century of lessons for development strategy" (PDF). Seattle: PATH. Retrieved 10 March 2013. Carrin and James have identified 1988—105 years after Bismarck's first sickness fund laws—as the date Germany achieved universal health coverage through this series of extensions to minimum benefit packages and expansions of the enrolled population. Bärnighausen and Sauerborn have quantified this long-term progressive increase in the proportion of the German population covered by public and private insurance. Their graph is reproduced below as Figure 1: German Population Enrolled in Health Insurance (%) 1885–1995.
The compulsory insurance can be supplemented by private "complementary" insurance policies that allow for coverage of some of the treatment categories not covered by the basic insurance or to improve the standard of room and service in case of hospitalisation. This can include complementary medicine, routine dental treatment and private ward hospitalisation, which are not covered by the compulsory insurance.
In 1935 the decision was made by the Roosevelt Administration not to include a large-scale health insurance program as part of the new Social Security program. The problem was not an attack by any organized opposition, such as the opposition from the American Medical Association that derailed Truman's proposals in 1949. Instead, there was a lack of active popular, congressional, or interest group support. Roosevelt's strategy was to wait for a demand and a program to materialize, and then if he thought it popular enough to throw his support behind it. His Committee on Economic Security (CES) deliberately limited the health segment of Social Security to the expansion of medical care and facilities. It considered unemployment insurance to be the major priority. Roosevelt assured the medical community that medicine would be kept out of politics. Jaap Kooijman says he succeeded in "pacifying the opponents without discouraging the reformers." The right moment never came for him to reintroduce the topic.[23][24]
The deal would not expand health insurance and cover members’ spouses and children. — Katie Johnston, BostonGlobe.com, "Bus drivers on Martha’s Vineyard are expected to vote on contract Sunday," 28 July 2019 Other federally funded researchers, from ecologists to geneticists, told Science about restrictions on electricity use, travel to conferences, health insurance, and office supplies. — Lizzie Wade, Science | AAAS, "Mexico’s new president shocks scientists with budget cuts and disparaging remarks," 23 July 2019 That dip is important because players become eligible for post-career benefits like health insurance and pensions after three years. — Jenna West, SI.com, "Report: NFL Owners Suggested 18-Game Schedule With 16-Game Limit for Players," 12 July 2019 The single-payer talk set off other discussions about the role of health insurance and the cost of care. — Jon Greenberg, Scientific American, "Democrats Divided on “Medicare for All” in First Debate," 27 June 2019 Citing deficits that have totaled $16 million in the past decade, symphony management has proposed a new contract that would include a roughly 20 percent pay cut for musicians but retain health insurance and other benefits year-round. — Mary Carole Mccauley, baltimoresun.com, "Former BSO music director David Zinman visited the players' picket line Monday," 24 June 2019 Currently, those who may have some income but lack other key necessities, like health insurance and access to quality education, are invisible in official poverty data. — Debra Brucker, The Conversation, "US poverty statistics ignore millions of struggling Americans," 24 June 2019 One last concern: Mainly because more businesses will be offering health insurance and getting the related tax break, the rule will increase the deficit by about $50 billion over ten years, in the administration’s own estimation. — Robert Verbruggen, National Review, "Trump Is Expanding Obamacare . . . in a Good Way," 16 June 2019 The delays could result in H-4 visa-holders losing out on jobs, health insurance, and even drivers’ licences, according to the lawsuit. — Ananya Bhattacharya, Quartz India, "H-4 visa holders sue the US government for delaying their work applications," 10 June 2019
On the 1st of August, 2018 the DHHS issued a final rule which made federal changes to Short-Term, Limited-Duration Health Insurance (STLDI) which lengthened the maximum contract term to 364 days and renewal for up to 36 months.[45][46] This new rule, in combination with the expiration of the penalty for the Individual Mandate of the Affordable Care Act,[47] has been the subject of independent analysis.[48][49][50][51][52][53][54][55]
Foreseeing a long and costly political battle, many labor unions chose to campaign for employer-sponsored coverage, which they saw as a less desirable but more achievable goal, and as coverage expanded the national insurance system lost political momentum and ultimately failed to pass. Using health care and other fringe benefits to attract the best employees, private sector, white-collar employers nationwide expanded the U.S. health care system. Public sector employers followed suit in an effort to compete. Between 1940 and 1960, the total number of people enrolled in health insurance plans grew seven-fold, from 20,662,000 to 142,334,000,[26] and by 1958, 75% of Americans had some form of health coverage.[27]
According to some experts, such as Uwe Reinhardt,[120] Sherry Glied, Megan Laugensen,[121] Michael Porter, and Elizabeth Teisberg,[122] this pricing system is highly inefficient and is a major cause of rising health care costs. Health care costs in the United States vary enormously between plans and geographical regions, even when input costs are fairly similar, and rise very quickly. Health care costs have risen faster than economic growth at least since the 1970s. Public health insurance programs typically have more bargaining power as a result of their greater size and typically pay less for medical services than private plans, leading to slower cost growth, but the overall trend in health care prices have led public programs' costs to grow at a rapid pace as well.

According to a 2000 Congressional Budget Office (CBO) report, Congress passed legislation creating "two new vehicles Association Health Plans (AHPs) and HealthMarts, to facilitate the sale of health insurance coverage to employees of small firms" in response to concerns about the "large and growing number of uninsured people in the United States."[82]
The share of Americans without health insurance has been cut in half since 2013. Many of the reforms instituted by the Affordable Care Act of 2010 were designed to extend health care coverage to those without it; however, high cost growth continues unabated.[3] National health expenditures are projected to grow 4.7% per person per year from 2016 to 2025. Public healthcare spending was 29% of federal mandated spending in 1990 and 35% of it in 2000. It is also projected to be roughly half in 2025.[4]
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